Jamiat History

A Brief History of

Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind

 

 

• Introduction
• Silk Letter Movement (1916) : Bid for Armed Insurrection
• Imprisonment in Malta  Three Years of Incarceration
• The Jamiat is Established (1919) : Adopting Non-Violent Resistance
• Contemporary Education and Nationalism (1920) : Establishing a New University
• Khilafat and Non-Cooperation Movements (1919-1924)
• Demand for Complete Independence (1924) : The Jamiat Takes the Lead 
• The Nehru Report (1928) : Safeguarding Minority Rights 
• Al-Jamiat Banned (1930)
• The Salt March and Civil Disobedience (1930) : Fearlessly Courting Arrest
• Endorsing Secularism (1932) : Learning a Bitter Lesson
• Electoral Collaboration (1936-37)
• United Nationalism (1938) : Reconciling State and Religion
• Palestine (1938) : Expressing Solidarity with Muslims Abroad
• Two-Nation Theory (1940) : Opposing Religious Nationalism  
• Partition and Its Aftermath (1947) : Giving Hope to Indian Muslims
• Undivided India
• Displaced Muslims, Immovable Property (1954)
• Decline to the Padma Vibhushan Proposal (1954)
• Transcending Politics (1948) : Looking Beyond Independence
• Waqf Properties (1954) : A Milestone in Waqf Administration
• The Movement to Save the Country and Community (1979)  : Civil Disobedience against Government Policies
• Educational Institutions for Religious Minorities (1981) : Defining the Status of Aligarh Muslim University
• Assam Carnage (1983) : Supporting Victims of Communal Violence
• Protecting the Dignity of Religious Seminaries (1984) : Milli Educational Conference
• Anti-Uniform Civil Code Programme (1986) : Defending the Shariah
• Save the Haram Conference (1987) : Maintaining the Sanctity of Religious Places
• Bhagalpur Riots (1989) : Reconstructing Homes, Rebuilding Lives
• National Unity Conference (1993) : Reiterating Communal Harmony
• The Earthquake and Riots in Gujarat (2001-2004) : Legal Aid, Relief and Rehabilitation
• Kashmir Earthquake (2005) : Extending Humanitarian Aid
• Pakistan Earthquake (2005)
• Shaykh al-Hind Express
• Anti-Terrorism Fatwa (2008)
• Postal Stamp Commemorating Husain Ahmad Madani (2012)
• Commemorative Stamp (2013) : Silk Letter Movement
• Muzaffarnagar Riots (2013) : Rebuilding Homes, Remaking Lives
• Rohingya Crisis (2017) : Relief and Rehabilitation for Stateless Persons
• Village Council Certificate for Citizenship Rights in Assam (2017) : Ensuring the Welfare of Assamese Women
• Protection of Muslim Personal Law (2017) : Standing Up for the Constitutional Rights of Muslims
• Peace and Anti-Terror Conferences : Condemning Terror in All its Forms
• Flood Relief and Assistance : Bringing Aid to Flood Victims
• Taqreebat-i-Sadsala
• Our Leaders : Founders
• Maulana Mahmood Madani : Islamic Faith Leader, Scholar and Politician 

 

 

 

Introduction

Founded in 1919, the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind is the largest and most influential organization of Indian Muslims, with a glorious history of courage and self-sacrifice. It has played a focal role in the social and political life of the country and the Muslim minority. Its members participated in the freedom struggle from British colonialism with relentless fervour and championed the cause of united nationalism between Muslims and non-Muslims. It is actively involved in securing the religious and social rights of Indian Muslims through peaceful and democratic means. Currently the organization has more than ten million members and 1,700 branch offices covering the entire length and breadth of the country.

 

 

Though formally established in 1919, the chain of events leading to the inception of the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind goes back several centuries, all the way back to the life and times of the great eighteenth-century social reformer Shah Waliullah of Delhi. This illustrious Islamic scholar and thinker was witness to the gradual decline of the Mughal Empire, fuelled by the rampant corruption of its later rulers. His disappointment at the degeneration of the ruling classes, coupled with the depredations of European imperialism, found expression in a desire to remodel all aspects of Muslim life—including its religious, social, political and cultural dimensions—through the espousal of ijtihad (independent reasoning) and the rejection of taqlid (unquestioning acceptance).

 

From 1808 to 1915, many ulama inspired by Waliullah’s ideology took up arms against the oppressive British rule. A particularly daunting moment arrived in the aftermath of the Great Revolt of 1857 when ulama were made to bear the brunt of British retribution in light of their revolutionary past. This was evident from the fact that, of the 200,000 Indians martyred in the rebellion, more than 50,000 were ulama.

 

The first half of the twentieth century witnessed a paradigm shift in strategy on the part of the revolutionary ulama. In particular, they were forced them to reform and reorganize their freedom struggle in 1916 after the failure of the Silk Letter Movement. In November 1919, the ulama, under the aegis of Shaykh al-Hind, resolved to constitute a new organization called Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind for spearheading the non-violent struggle in line with the mainstream nationalist movement. It was this strategy that eventually led to the freedom of the country.

 

Post-1947, the Jamiat reinvented itself by abandoning active politics. Once its political goal of independence was achieved, it chose to devote its energies to safeguarding the religious and social rights of the minority community. In free India, Muslims have to suffer from many challenges. The Jamiat transformed itself into an organization that would be at the helm in dealing with these issues. Besides educational, social and welfare activities, it currently works in multifarious fields, including relief and rehabilitation work for victims of communal violence and natural disasters. The promotion of religious tolerance constitutes a central tenet of its philosophy. In their view, Muslims and non-Muslims are equal citizens of this country and have entered a mutual contract to establish a secular state. The constitution of India represents this contract. Hence, it is the duty of every Indian Muslim to express loyalty to the constitution.

 

 

 

Silk Letter Movement (1916)

Bid for Armed Insurrection

 

As the First World War broke out in 1914, Shaykh al-Hind Maulana Mahmud Hasan, the revered teacher of Dar al-Ulum Deoband, viewed it as an opportune moment to challenge the British suzerainty over the country. He decided to reach out and enlist the support of Muslim nations like Afghanistan and Turkey to overthrow the foreigners. To that end, he dispatched his trusted deputy, Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi, to Kabul to communicate with and work towards inviting assistance and support from the Afghans, while he himself set out for Arabia to initiate talks with the Turks.

 

Shaykh al-Hind managed to convince the Turkish authorities to write appeals in support of the freedom movement in India. Meanwhile, Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi had written three secret letters from Kabul, apprising Shaykh al-Hind of his plan to foment rebellion against the British. Unfortunately, these letters fell into the hands of the colonial authorities which culminated in a crackdown against the conspirators. A total of 222 ulama were arrested all across the country, and Shaykh al-Hind and Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani were subsequently taken into custody in the Hijaz.

 

As the letters were written on silk handkerchiefs, the British referred to the incident as the ‘Silken Letter Conspiracy Case’.

 

 

Imprisonment in Malta  

Three Years of Incarceration

 

After their detainment in the Hijaz, Shaykh al-Hind, Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani and a few of their compatriots were forcibly taken to Egypt where they were interrogated for several days. They were housed in extremely pitiful conditions in dark, damp and narrow cells with no proper lavatories or ventilation. 

 

The prisoners were removed from Egypt on 15 February 1917, and sent to Malta a week later. The prison there was even worse, a virtual concentration camp where dangerous political prisoners were detained. Shaykh al-Hind was incarcerated in Malta for three long years.  The ordeal was finally over with completion of his sentence and he reached Bombay on 8 June 1920 at the height of the tumultuous Khilafat Movement. A host of towering leaders—including Gandhiji, Maulana Shaukat Ali and Maulana Abd al-Bari Farangi Ma?alli—were present to receive him on his arrival.

 

 

The Jamiat is Established (1919)  

Adopting Non-Violent Resistance

 

After the failure of the Silk Letter Movement, on the occasion of the Khilafat Conference in Delhi in November 1919, the ulama resolved to constitute the Jamiat Ulama-i Hind.

 

To start off this new phase, Mufti Azam Maulana Kifayatullah was elected as the first president of the Jamiat. Its first conference, held at Amritsar on 28 December 1919, was chaired by Maulana Abdul Bari Farangi Mahali, and a resolution was passed registering strong protest against the continued imprisonment of Shaykh al-Hind and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad in the Silk Letter Conspiracy Case.

 

The Jamiat worked closely with the Congress to make the Khilafat Movement a resounding success. These efforts received further fillip when Shaykh al-Hind issued a fatwa in favour of non-cooperation with the British soon after his return from Malta.

 

 

Contemporary Education and Nationalism (1920)  

Establishing a New University

 

The history of the illustrious institution of Jamia Millia Islamia, counted among the topmost universities in the country today, can be traced back to the euphoria of the Khilafat and non-cooperation years.

 

During the movement, Gandhiji had urged the boycott of all educational institutions that were either supported or run by the British. His message greatly inspired a group of dedicated teachers and students of Aligarh Muslim University to quit the institution as a protest against its pro-colonial attitude and break ground on their idea of establishing a new university aligned with the nationalist sentiment.

 

The outcome was Jamia Millia Islamia, initially situated in Aligarh. Shaykh al-Hind laid the foundation stone of the university on 29 October 1920. The institution was subsequently shifted to Delhi—first to Karol Bagh and then to its present location in Okhla (which was then a village on the very outskirts of the city).

 

 

Khilafat and Non-Cooperation Movements (1919-1924)

 

The two movements are always spoken of in the same breath. Together they reiterated Hindu-Muslim unity, and went on to become a formidable force against the British. With Mahatma Gandhi offering unconditional support to the Khilafat Movement—a pan-Islamist initiative of his Muslim brethren led by Maulana Muhammad Ali—the ulama decided to wholeheartedly participate in his non-cooperation movement.

 

Many key leaders were jailed for issuing a fatwa that declared cooperation with the British to be haram. The events highlighted the sincere and relentless efforts made by Muslims to promote communal harmony and to communicate the impact of mass mobilisation—both powerful weapons that could defeat the mighty British. It was during this time that the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind was established.

 

 

 

Demand for Complete Independence (1924)  

The Jamiat Takes the Lead

 

The Fifth Jamiat Conference was held at Kakinada in 1924. Its special significance lies in Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani demanding complete independence. This declaration, in fact, preceded that of the Congress by a full five years.  

 

At the conference, Maulana Madani delivered a scathing indictment of the colonial rule, highlighting the extremely exploitative nature of the British regime which had reduced once-rich countries like Egypt and Turkey to poverty and deprivation. He also blamed the British government for the divisive communal polarization in India and encouraged people to resist attempts at dividing the country along religious lines, and urged them to fearlessly oppose the foreign rule by striving for complete independence.

 

However, it was not until 1926 that the resolution for complete independence was formally adopted by the Jamiat at its 7th conference at Calcutta.

 

 

 

The Nehru Report (1928)  

Safeguarding Minority Rights

 

Following the Congress’ decision to boycott the Simon Commission ‘at every stage and in every form’, Secretary of State for India Lord Birkenhead threw a challenge to Indians to come up with their own constitution—one that the nationalists accepted.

 

An all-party conference was convened in February and May 1928 and a committee was formed under the chairmanship of Motilal Nehru to draft the proposed document.

 

However, when the Jamiat leaders studied the final draft, they realized that it did not contain crucial safeguards for the rights of the minorities. It is for this reason they rejected the Nehru Report, as the document was called, on the grounds that it was ‘ambiguous about the connotation of total religious freedom’ which could result in the perpetuation of the interests of the majority community at the expense of the minorities.

 

 

 

Al-Jamiat Banned (1930)

 

Around the time of the Salt March, sensing the growing power and influence of the Jamiat, the British Government banned its newsletter, al-Jamiat, and confiscated its security deposit. But the organisation openly and defiantly stated that such actions of the government would not deter it from discharging its duty and expressing the truth.

 

 

 

The Salt March and Civil Disobedience (1930)  

Fearlessly Courting Arrest

 

In order to compel the British to withdraw from India, Gandhiji was authorized by the Congress to launch the civil disobedience movement at a time and place of his choosing, in a fashion that would convince the British oppressors to finally move out.

 

He decided to launch the movement with the historic Dandi March on 6 April 1930, culminating in the symbolic violation of the salt laws that would inaugurate a powerful phase of non-violent mass resistance against British rule. The entire nation was engulfed in uproarious protests following the go-ahead from Gandhiji. Many Muslim leaders, including Jamiat President Mufti Kifayatullah and General Secretary Maulana Ahmad Saeed Dehlevi, were arrested in these eventful campaigns.

 

During the second phase of the civil disobedience movement two years later, the Jamiat set up a system of organizational directors whose purpose was to ensure that the Jamiat was helmed with a steady supply of leaders, since the British government was indiscriminately arresting the top rung of all nationalist organizations. Mufti Kifayatullah was the first director, followed in turn by Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani, Maulana Ahmad Saeed Dehlevi and Maulana Hifzur Rehman, all of whom were arrested in quick succession.

 

 

 

Endorsing Secularism (1932)

 

The mutual cooperation between the Indian National Congress and the Jamiat made them into a formidable front for the British. Despite the threat of arrest looming large, Maulana Hifzur Rehman travelled incognito, dodging the police all the way from Seohara in Uttar Pradesh, just to attend the banned 46th Congress Session at Ghanta Ghar Bazaar, Delhi in 1932. Many leaders of the national movement were both Congress leaders of stature and Jamiat members. On several occasions when differences between the Congress and the Jamiat occurred, the wisdom and vision of the leaders prevailed; the larger picture was never lost sight of. The Nehru Report’s overlooking of the minorities’ rights left most leaders of the Jamiat very disappointed. But Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani’s famous statement, ‘Compromise first, movement later’, circumvented a rift that could have weakened the national cause.

 

 

Electoral Collaboration (1936-37)

Learning a Bitter Lesson

 

In 1936, the Muslim League and the Jamiat entered into a pact with a view to forming a united front in the forthcoming elections. Up until that time, the Muslim League was a predominantly aristocratic party whose primary membership comprised of landlords, government title-holders and sympathizers of the British rule. As such, they lacked a mass support base as a political organization. The League’s leaders calculated, and rightly so, that an alliance with the Jamiat would allow them to benefit from the mass influence of the latter and boost their chances of a successful showing in the forthcoming provincial polls.

 

A body called the Muslim League Parliamentary Board was set up with 56 members, comprising twenty nominated by the Jamiat. Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani threw himself enthusiastically into the campaign assisted by Jamiat volunteers. As a result, the Muslim League fared surprisingly well in these elections with the Jamiat’s support proving to be instrumental to its success.  

 

However, once the elections were over, the Muslim League turned against the Jamiat after its successful showing. Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the League’s leader, began to attack the ulama by terming them reactionary and conservative, leading the Jamiat leaders to realize that the Muslim League had taken advantage of their goodwill for their selfish political gains.  But the deed was done, and the League managed to successfully expand its influence by relying on the name and repute of the Jamiat.

 

 

United Nationalism (1938)  

Reconciling State and Religion

 

The Jamiat’s key tenet of religious tolerance is based on Shaykh al-Islam Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani’s theory of united nationalism, as expounded in the book Mutta?idat Qawmiyyat awr Isl?m (United Nationalism and Islam, 1938).

 

The book systematically presented the arguments made by the author since the 1920s on issues such as nationalism and religion, while also aimed at countering the Two-Nation Theory of the Muslim League which was the basis of their demand for a separate Muslim state.

 

In the book, Maulana Madani advanced the concept of ‘territorial nationhood’ arguing that it is ‘not necessary that a nation, to be a nation, should share the same religion and culture’ since today ‘nations are made by homelands’. He reiterated that any effort to divide Indians on the basis of religion, caste, culture, ethnicity and language was nothing more than a ploy by the foreign rulers to perpetuate their power.

 

Through his theory of united nationalism, Maulana Madani resolved any doubts that Muslims may have had between allegiance to state and allegiance to religion.

 

 

 

Palestine (1938)

Expressing Solidarity with Muslims Abroad

 

While playing a major role in the Indian freedom struggle, the Jamiat was also alive to the needs and demands of other Muslim nations in their quest for freedom and justice from oppressive regimes.

 

In the light of the 1936 Arab revolt in Palestine, a Committee for the Protection of Palestine was constituted, to which all parties sympathetic to the cause were invited to join. It was decided at its first session on 2 August 1938 to form branches in all important Indian cities so that a programme of civil disobedience could be initiated against the British, should the need arise.

 

The Jamiat has consistently supported the demands of the Palestinian Arabs while condemning the violent acts of Israel in the name of a Jewish homeland. Following the Donald Trump administration’s decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel in December 2017, Jamiat Ulama-i Hind organized protests at more than a thousand places all over the country demanding unequivocal condemnation by the government of India of the ill-advised US venture.

 

 

 

Two-Nation Theory (1940)

Opposing Religious Nationalism  

 

In 1940, Muhammad Ali Jinnah announced his intention to implement the Two-Nation Theory using the following words: ‘India cannot be assumed today to be a Unitarian and homogenous nation, but on the contrary, there are two nations in the main—the Hindus and the Muslims.’

 

The idea of creating a separate nation based on religion was absolutely repugnant to the Jamiat since it violated the very foundational tenet of united nationalism. The Jamiat also held the view that the partition would be harmful to those Muslims who remained in India after such a division. But the well-reasoned and rational arguments of the Jamiat leaders were drowned in the emotive frenzy whipped up by the Muslim League. Nevertheless, Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani and other leaders campaigned extensively against the divisive tactics of the League despite constant threats of physical violence from League activists.

 

Nevertheless, the Jamiat continued to stand its ground by opposing the Two-Nation Theory even as the Congress gave in, opening the floodgates for the Partition.

 

 

 

Partition and Its Aftermath (1947)

Giving Hope to Indian Muslims

 

The euphoria of our newly-minted freedom was short-lived. Independence in 1947 was accompanied by one of the worst-ever incidents of communal rioting in the wake of the Partition.

 

Communal frenzy swept across vast swathes of the land, including Delhi, Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Bengal. Under the circumstances, it was the defiant courage of the Jamiat leaders that restored the confidence of Indian Muslims and arranged for their safety and protection in the new nation.

 

Amid the hostilities, one man worked tirelessly and fearlessly, despite the dangers posed to his own life, in the pursuit of his mission to unite communities. Upon his return from Calcutta, where he had successfully quelled the violence, Gandhiji turned his focus on Delhi which was firmly in the grip of communal tension. Maulana Hifzur Rehman and other Jamiat leaders regularly apprised Gandhiji of the situation in the city. The Father of the Nation did everything in his power to ensure the safety of Muslims by leveraging his influence on the government.

 

 

 

Undivided India

 

Nationalism had hitherto been associated with shared history, language, culture etc. But religion, whose focus should be on spirituality and building moral and ethical values of society, saw itself being used by a faction of Muslims led by Jinnah as a tool to create territory. Jinnah’s divisive politics were always countered by Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani, who throughout his lifetime persistently advocated that a healthy, united, vibrant and democratic India could only be built with Hindu-Muslim unity. The treatise Hamara Hindustan awr uske fazail mentions that for an Indian Muslim, India had always been his motherland, and nothing could change that. In Muttahidah qawmiyyat awr Isl?m (United Nationalism and Islam) he clarified that identity comes from belonging to a nation and nationality encompasses a diversity of religions, culture, ethnicity, race etc.

 

 

Displaced Muslims, Immovable Property (1954)

 

The Partition and thereafter the two wars with Pakistan saw millions of Muslims abandoning their properties in India to move to Pakistan. These immovable assets left behind then became ‘enemy properties’ taken over by the government of India (a similar system followed in Pakistan as well). For those who returned later, it was an arduous odyssey to reclaim their properties; for, as per law, they were required to present proof of ownership in the form of as many as sixteen legal papers. After an equally long and patient process, the Jamiat got this draconian law in India simplified and revised in 1954; thereafter a set of only two or three papers constituted the required documentation. In such cases, free legal aid, a much needed form of assistance, was also provided by the Jamiat.

 

 

Decline to the Padma Vibhushan Proposal (1954)

 

Shaykh al-Islam’s unconditional love for his motherland India was reiterated when he declined one of the nation’s most prestigious awards, the Padma Vibhushan, saying that serving his country was his duty and his desire and that accepting it would be against the traditions set by his forefathers.

 

 

Transcending Politics (1948)

Looking Beyond Independence

 

When the situation in the newly-independent India became slightly stabilised, the Jamiat called a people’s conference in Lucknow to reassure the Muslim community about its future in India. A notable feature of the meeting was that it marked the Jamiat’s abdication of politics as an organization. The rationale was that the objective of the organisation was fulfilled, since the founding goal was to win freedom from British rule. Thus, its leaders decided to reinvent the organization with a focus on the non-political aspects of Indian society.

 

As the leading Muslim organization of the country, the Jamiat would henceforth focus on aspects like the protection of Islamic faith, identity and heritage, securing and safeguarding the rights of Muslims, humanitarian activities, promoting social reforms among Muslims, etc. It would also go on playing a key role in fostering amicable relations amongst different communities in India in accordance with the constitution as well as the teachings of Islam.

 

 

 

Waqf Properties (1954)

A Milestone in Waqf Administration

 

The migration of Muslims from India to Pakistan resulted in the abandonment of many mosques and waqf properties, which were quickly occupied by Hindus arriving from Pakistan. When the matter was brought before the Jamiat, its leaders approached the government with a request for the protection of these properties. Consequently, the draft bill for the protection of Muslim waqfs was presented in Parliament in 1951 through Mohammad Ahmad Kazmi.

 

The outcome was the Wakf Act of 1954 which brought all waqf properties under the supervision of the state. Regulatory boards were set up and roles and responsibilities of officials were defined under the new waqf laws. The introduction of this law was instrumental in improving the administration of waqf properties all across the country.

 

 

 

The Movement to Save the Country and Community (1979)  

Civil Disobedience against Government Policies

 

The rise in the number of communal incidents under the Janata Party, and its extremely callous attitude in quelling them, prompted the Jamiat to launch a civil disobedience movement from 9 July 1979 onwards. This movement targeted the central government; and it was indeed a unique protest of its kind in independent India.

 

Ulama from all across the country gathered in Delhi to participate in the civil disobedience. From the heart of the movement at Kali Masjid in Basti Nizamuddin in the capital, hundreds of ulama would proceed to Parliament Street each day shouting slogans and courting arrest.   

 

The protest was spread over two phases in July and October. Overall, more than 6,000 people participated in the protests, including Dalits, Sikhs and Hindus.

 

 

 

Educational Institutions for Religious Minorities (1981)  

Defining the Status of Aligarh Muslim University

 

The Jamiat has been in the forefront of the struggle for protecting the minority status of Aligarh Muslim University ever since the government tried to interfere with its autonomy in 1965.

 

The issue had been festering for more than a decade before mounting public pressure led to the Minority Commission being asked to examine the matter. But when the commission submitted its recommendation to the government in favour of minority status for the university, the government chose to ignore the report; and this led to widespread disillusionment amongst the Muslims.

 

The Jamiat has consistently supported the minority status of the university by raising the matter to the highest level possible, right up to the Supreme Court. In 1981, it decided to call an All India Convention for Aligarh Muslim University which saw representatives attend from all over the country. The convention adopted several proposals, including a demand for the recall of police situated at the university campus, the withdrawal of all cases against students, and the key demand for restoration of the minority status of the university. Three months later the Centre passed a bill restoring the university’s minority status.

 

But the deadlock remains in place, with the Allahabad High Court striking down the order in 2006. This judgment prompted the then UPA dispensation at the centre to challenge the decision in the apex court, but the successive NDA government decided not to pursue the matter further and accept the decision of the high court.

 

The Jamiat’s position has always been that the issue of Aligarh Muslim University is not simply about minority status, but the protection of Indian Muslims’ cultural values. Hence it is necessary to restore the minority character of the university and restrict external interference on its management.

 

 

 

Assam Carnage (1983)  

Supporting Victims of Communal Violence

 

The question of illegal Bangladeshi immigration has always been a strongly emotive issue in Assam. Yet it is also true that Muslims that are genuine citizens of the country have been frequently harassed in the name of keeping a check on infringements.  

 

1983 saw several riots throughout the year culminating in one of the worst incidents of communal violence in independent India, the Nellie Massacre, where thousands of people belonging to the minority community were killed within the span of a mere few hours. Jamiat President Maulana Syed Asad Madani reached the state and helped set up the Assam Jamiat Relief Committee, met the chief minister to discuss law and order and relief measures, and requested state legislators to ensure the effective rehabilitation of riot victims in their respective constituencies.

 

While the Jamiat does not endorse illegal immigration, it has always firmly supported the rights of those Muslims in Assam who are genuine citizens of the country. It has worked to ensure that they are able to exercise their democratic and constitutional rights. Over the years, the Jamiat has also organized various events and conventions to highlight the issues facing Assamese Muslims.

 

 

 

Protecting the Dignity of Religious Seminaries (1984)  

Milli Educational Conference

 

In the 1980s, madrasahs came under attack from communal forces which accused them of harbouring secret ties with Muslim nations and illegally bringing foreign funds into the country. Around the same time, the Uttar Pradesh government started interfering in the running of madrasahs by mandating their licensing and also implementing minimum wage laws.

 

These actions were deemed to be a violation of the rights guaranteed to minorities under the constitution. Apprehensive that the new rules could end up endangering the autonomy of the madrasahs, the Jamiat called a Milli Educational Conference in Delhi from 6-8 April 1984 to protest against the Uttar Pradesh government’s directive. A conference resolution demanded the removal of the laws that restricted the running and management of madrasahs, and called for them to be treated in accordance with the freedom contained within the constitution.

 

A further conference was then held in Lucknow in 1989 that called upon the state government to revoke the harmful notifications. The conference was chaired by Jamiat President Maulana Syed Asad Madani. During the proceedings, the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, N. D. Tiwari, walked into the hall and was apprised of the concerns of the Muslims by Maulana Madani. Hearing their concerns, he announced the annulment of the order there and then at the gathering itself, which was promptly followed by an official notification.

 

 

Anti-Uniform Civil Code Programme (1986)  

Defending the Shariah

 

In the 1980s, there existed a real danger of the government proceeding towards a ‘uniform civil code’ under the directions of the Supreme Court. This was despite the fact that such a step would amount to a grave interference in the religious affairs of the Muslims, which was deemed unacceptable in Islam. To protest against the move, the Jamiat declared 5 December 1986 as Save Shariah Day and followed it up with the Convention Against Uniform Civil Code two days later. Ulama across the country were asked to speak to people to apprise them of the dangers of having such a code.

 

The issue of a uniform civil code and its bearing on the Indian Muslim community stems from two key problems. The first is the failure of the government to realize that the scope of Islam extends to all aspects of an individual’s life. Secondly, the conflict between Article 25 of the constitution (freedom of religion) and Article 44 of the Directive Principles (Uniform Civil Code) has encouraged an argument where Muslim personal law is deemed not to attract the guarantees under Article 25.  

 

The defence of the shariah is among the foremost priorities of the Jamiat and it has consistently worked to safeguard Muslim law. In keeping with this position, the organization has put forward the following options to help resolve the deadlock:  

 

Article 44 of the Directive Principles which is in conflict with Article 25 relating to freedom of religion as a Fundamental Right is to be deleted from the constitution,

Article 44 is interpreted in a way that does not conflict with Article 25 or Muslims and Muslim personal law is to be exempt from its purview.

 

 

 

Save the Haram Conference (1987)  

Maintaining the Sanctity of Religious Places

 

To reinforce his power and to propagate the illusion of an Islamic renaissance in the aftermath of the Iranian Revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini hatched a conspiracy whereby Iranian pilgrims would lead belligerent demonstrations around the holy mosques of Makkah and Mad?nah. This resulted in clashes between Iranian militia disguised as pilgrims and the Saudi security forces. On 31 July 1987 in the vicinity of the Grand Mosque at Makkah one such clash resulted in 402 people being killed.

 

The attack on Islam’s holiest site shook the conscience of Muslims all around the world. The then-president of the Jamiat, Maulana Syed Asad Madani, who was present in Makkah at the time, protested against the sacrilegious activities and political motives of such actions in the following terms: ‘With the passage of time, the veil of the real aims and objectives of the present government of Iran has been lifted and the true face of the Islamic Revolution is emerging… The Jamiat urges its members and Muslims in India to inform the masses about the truth of the matter. We also appeal to expose the deception and mischief that Iran is using to achieve its purpose.’

 

Subsequently, the Jamiat issued a circular asking all its branches and affiliated organizations to observe 21 August 1987 as ?aram Sharif Day. After his return from Makkah, Maulana Madani decided to organize a Save the ?aram Conference to protest against the tragedy. The conference, which was held in Sapru House in New Delhi, on 28 November, was inaugurated by the prayer imam of Makkah.

 

 

 

Bhagalpur Riots (1989)  

Reconstructing Homes, Rebuilding Lives

 

By the end of the 1980s, people were being mobilized towards the Ram Janmabhoomi movement which resulted in terrible communal riots erupting in different cities, including Faizabad, Muzaffarnagar, Aligarh, Mathura, Kalpi, Meerut, Hazaribagh, Chaibasa, Sasaram and Makrana. The worst of these occurred in Bhagalpur, Bihar, in October-November 1989.

 

It is unclear how many people lost their lives in the riots in Bhagalpur since the official sources announced the death toll to be around 1,000; but unofficial estimates claimed the number to be more than double that total. Shops, houses, trade centres and even standing crops were pillaged and burnt. The role of the police was called into question amid strong allegations that it had neglected its duty and had, in fact, actively sought to collude with the rioters.

 

The then-president of the Jamiat, Maulana Syed Asad Madani, sent repeated reminders to the prime minister to take steps to restore law and order in Bhagalpur. He visited the city several times to tour the riot-affected areas and strongly indicted the Bihar military police for playing a partisan role in the violence. The Jamiat president also met the chief minister and handed him a charter of demands. Jamiat volunteers diligently documented the losses from the riots and organized relief measures for the victims. Maulana Syed Asad Madani brought up the issue in parliament in his capacity as an MP in reply to the President’s Address on 28 December 1989.

 

 

National Unity Conference (1993)  

Reiterating Communal Harmony

 

In the aftermath of the Babri Masjid demolition, communal violence erupted in several parts of the country, including Bombay, Surat, Kanpur, Ahmedabad, Delhi and Bhopal. It was a challenging time for the secular forces, all of whom only wanted to prevent further loss of life and restore peace and harmony in the country.

 

The Jamiat decided to bring together all secular-minded parties on a single platform to reassure the minorities about their future in the country and to also chart out a course of action for the coming months. To that end, it organized a National Unity Conference in Delhi in February 1993 attended by many eminent politicians, bureaucrats, professors, advocates and journalists.

 

At the conference, the delegates passed a resolution condemning the recent violence and called on all secular, nationalist parties, organizations and individuals to set aside their differences and counter the challenge to the peace and stability of the country. The resolution stated, ‘All patriotic citizens, individuals and parties should be united to face this challenge… This is the historical duty of all secular parties, and so they should foil the increasing power of the fascist forces and protect the great national asset.’

 

 

 

The Earthquake and Riots in Gujarat (2001-2004)  

Legal Aid, Relief and Rehabilitation

 

Gujarat witnessed two devastating tragedies at the start of the millennium with the earthquake in 2001 and the Gujarat riots of 2002, collectively causing the loss of thousands of lives, leaving many others injured, and property worth millions of rupees destroyed.

 

The Jamiat was at the forefront of relief and rescue operations during this challenging period for the Gujarat, with its volunteers working tirelessly to bring basic amenities to the victims. Their activities included:

 

Providing immediate relief to more than 200,000 victims by way of camps with food and medicine.

The construction of 45 colonies consisting of 3,000 houses leading to the rehabilitation of as many families.

 

Reconstruction of mosques, hospitals and community buildings.

 

A children’s village was established at Anjar for the orphans of the 2001 earthquake. The Jamiat Children’s Village is devoted to nurturing and educating orphans and providing them with a dignified and protected family life.

 

The organization is also engaged in the welfare of prisoners who have been languishing in the Sabarmati Jail for more than seven years, by arranging wholesome food for the prisoners and finances for their families.

 

In addition, it is engaged in providing legal aid to bail out more than 10,000 people accused of crimes and the grant of financial assistance for ten important trials, including the Godhra case, leading to the acquittal of 63 persons.

 

A permanent legal cell has been established to provide assistance for riot victims across the country. These efforts form a part of the organization’s mandate to safeguard the rights and interests of Indian Muslims.

 

 

Kashmir Earthquake (2005)  

Extending Humanitarian Aid

 

When a massive earthquake shook northern Kashmir in 2005, resulting in the deaths of thousands of people, the Jamiat’s volunteers acted promptly and were quick to start relief and rescue operations soon after receiving the tragic news.

 

Relief material in the form of tents, blankets, bed sheets and kitchenware was dispatched from India via a chartered flight, which was made possible by the private contributions and zakat funds given to the organization. In the process, the Jamiat also became the first private, religious Indian organization to be granted permission to enter Pakistan after the earthquake, bearing testimony to its credibility on both sides of the border.

 

The Jamiat ensured that enough food, emergency help, tents and medical assistance for 25,000 victims was provided, apart from also overseeing the construction of 200 houses in Uri and Salamabad. Its concern for the victims of the earthquake once again reiterated the Jamiat’s commitment to the welfare of Muslims beyond India’s borders.

 

 

Pakistan Earthquake (2005)

 

In 2005 a massive earthquake shook the mountainous region of Pakistan, resulting in the deaths of thousands and the displacement of millions. Relief (largely from private citizens) and zakat funds were dispatched immediately through a delegation of the Jamiat’s experienced volunteers, which threw itself into the thick of relief operations immediately after news broke. It was the first private religious organisation to be granted the required permits by both India and Pakistan in order to reach the disaster zone. This bears testimony to the genuine and immense credibility of the organisation with regard to humanitarian aid. The gesture also demonstrated that when it comes to helping those in distress, the Jamiat keeps past enmities and strife aside for the sake of Islam and the Prophet (g), and have maintained the duty of the believer to help those in need.

 

 

 

Shaykh al-Hind Express

 

This was no ordinary train. On 6 November 2008, bedecked with flowers and posters and the customary black and white stripes of the Jamiat, the eighteen-coach ‘Peace Train’ flagged off from Deoband carrying over 2000 clerics attending the 29th session of the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind to Hyderabad, where 6000 Ulama from across the nation joined them. It was a gesture towards peace and national integration. It brought the hope that people would shed the stereotyped, but unjustified perception of clerics being supporters of terrorism, and would instead see them as being peace-loving citizens. It was named after the revolutionary leader of the Silk Letter Movement.

 

 

Anti-Terrorism Fatwa (2008)

 

In February 2008, the Dar al-Ulum Deoband issued a historic fatwa against terrorism at the Anti-Terrorism Global Peace Conference at the Ramlila Grounds in Delhi. It was endorsed by the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind which characterised terrorism as the most serious challenge faced by our nation in recent times. Organised as part of a series of public meetings across the country, it adopted a seven-point declaration condemning the propaganda that ‘regards terrorism as synonymous with jihad’. In the Holy Qur’an, the term jih?d is used in contrast to ?ulm (atrocities), but terror itself is an atrocity that strikes at the very core of our society and causes irreparable loss to innocent human lives and property. These simply cannot be the same, said Maulana Mahmood Madani.

 

 

 

Postal Stamp Commemorating Husain Ahmad Madani (2012)

 

Maulana Ahmad Husain Madani (1879-1957) dreamt only of an undivided India. He stood firm in his belief that the inception of nations must be on the basis of homeland and geography and not on that of religion. In 2012, the Government of India issued a commemorative stamp in his honour.

 

Commemorative Stamp (2013)

 

In January 2013, the government of India released a commemorative postage stamp on the Silk Letter Movement. Marking the occasion, the President of India Shri Pranab Mukherjee recalled the sacrifices made by the Muslims—both individuals and groups—and stated that they constituted a glorious component of India’s struggle for independence.

 

 

 

Muzaffarnagar Riots (2013)

Rebuilding Homes, Remaking Lives

 

A devastating communal riot swept Muzaffarnagar and its adjoining areas in August-September 2013, leading to the death of 60 people and rendering over 50,000 homeless. Thousands of people who were forced to flee were later accommodated in relief camps set up in the area.

 

Jamiat units began rapid relief and rehabilitation with the provision of food, clothing, shelter and non-food items. These included the distribution of more than 30,000 quilts and blankets, supply of waterproof tents and arrangement of emergency medical aid and treatment. It also helped set up a permanent legal cell for the assistance of riot victims.

 

Several new homes were constructed under the aegis of the Jamiat for the benefit of the displaced victims. This includes housing units in Shaykh al-Hind Nagar, Mujahide Millat Nagar, Fidae Millat Nagar and Kifat Nagar in the Muzaffarnagar district, and Madani Nagar in the Shamli district of Uttar Pradesh.

 

 

 

Rohingya Crisis (2017)

Relief and Rehabilitation for Stateless Persons

 

The 2017 Rohingya crisis in Myanmar had shocked the international community with the United Nations describing the military action in Rakhine, which triggered the crisis, as a ‘textbook example of ethnic cleansing’. More than 800,000 Rohingyas crossed the border and entered Bangladesh after the violence broke out. The speed and scale of the influx resulted in a critical humanitarian emergency.

 

The Jamiat stepped forward to provide urgent relief to the Rohingya community. In September 2017, the Delhi division of the Jamiat—under the leadership of Maulana Mahmood Madani—held a massive protest appealing to the Indian government to view the crisis as a humanitarian crisis. They then submitted a memorandum in support of their demands to the secretary general of the United Nations, the Indian Home Ministry and the embassy of Myanmar in India.

 

Thereafter, the Jamiat launched a multi-pronged relief operation for Rohingyas in Bangladesh in cooperation with Islahul Muslimeen Parishad Bangladesh and other local organizations. The work included the establishment of relief camps at Shahpuri Island, the location reported to be the landing spot for most migrants fleeing from Myanmar who were in urgent need of food and medical help. It also assisted in the construction of nearly 1,000 shelters in Kutupalong, Cox’s Bazar, for the homeless Rohingyas, together with mosques, tube wells and assistance with food and other necessary provisions.  

 

 

 

Village Council Certificate for Citizenship Rights in Assam (2017)

Ensuring the Welfare of Assamese Women

 

With a view to curbing illegal Bangladeshi immigration in Assam, the Gauhati High Court ruled that residency certificates issued by the village council (gram panchayat) had ‘no statutory sanctity’ to validate the holders’ inclusion in the National Register of Citizens. Despite being guided by the right intentions, the order had the unfortunate consequence of threatening the citizenship rights of millions of married women who settled in their husbands’ towns after marriage.

 

These concerns prompted the Jamiat to approach the Supreme Court to set aside the High Court verdict. The successful reversal of the directive resulted in relief for 4.8 million married women in Assam. In addition, the Supreme Court also rejected the government’s move to categorize citizens into original inhabitants and non-original inhabitants, stating that there would be only one category in this instance, which was that of ‘Indian Citizens’.

           

The general secretary of the Jamiat, Maulana Mahmood Madani, lauded the verdict, calling it a fight for the dignity, prestige and human values of millions of Indian women. The Jamiat had engaged the services of senior advocates, like Abhishek M. Sanghvi and Raju Ramachandaran, to argue its case.

 

 

 

Protection of Muslim Personal Law (2017)  

Standing Up for the Constitutional Rights of Muslims

 

Following the Supreme Court order in 2017 to outlaw the practice of instant triple talaq, the Jamiat issued a press statement expressing deep concern over the verdict which it deemed to be against the shariah. Apprehensive that the court ruling could undermine the freedom of religion, the organization reiterated its stand of protecting the Islamic shariah and never compromising on the religious rights guaranteed in the constitution.

 

Being the largest Muslim organization in the country, the Jamiat has been party to the hearings on triple talaq, nika? ?alala and polygamy ongoing in the Supreme Court. In a counter-affidavit filed in the court in 2016, it has maintained that there was no scope for interference with Muslim personal law, which is based primarily on the Holy Qur’an and the Sunna of the Prophet Mu?ammad (g), as well as being explained and applied by various scholars of great antiquity and authority after thorough research. The Jamiat’s advocates have argued in court that the judiciary does not have the right to amend personal law.

 

Recently, with the central government seeking to pass legislation making triple talaq a punishable offence, the Jamiat has unequivocally described the attempt as an interference in the religious affairs of the Muslim community; and said that, based on the provisions in the constitution of India, the judiciary and the parliament do not have any right to interfere in the religious affairs of the Muslims.

 

 

 

Peace and Anti-Terror Conferences

Condemning Terror in All its Forms

 

The Jamiat under the inspiration of its general secretary Maulana Mahmood Madani has consistently condemned terrorism in all its forms. Besides organizing about 200 anti-terrorism conferences all over the country, Maulana Madani has been instrumental in organizing massive public gatherings at the Ramlila Grounds in Delhi in May 2008 and at Hyderabad in November 2008 in order to mobilize the Muslim masses and ulama against terrorism.

 

He organized a protest rally in 75 cities simultaneously in the wake of the Paris terror attacks of November 2015 declaring that terrorism in the name of jihad is desecration of Islam. A three-day World Peace Conference was also held at Deoband and Delhi between 13-15 December 2013, and it was attended by 200 prominent ulama from around the world, including Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Maldives and the UK.

 

Maulana Madani is a vocal supporter of unity in diversity and has consistently stressed on harmonious relations between different faiths in the country. He is the modern-day flagbearer of the concept of united nationalism formulated by his ancestor Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani in the 1920s.   

 

 

 

Flood Relief and Assistance

Bringing Aid to Flood Victims

 

The Jamiat has been active in flood relief operations across the country in coordination with its regional centres. With floods causing heavy loss of lives and property in Kashmir in 2014, Jamiat volunteers, under the able direction of Maulana Ra?matull?h, the rector of Madrasa Ra?imiya Bandipora, immediately began relief operations that included the evacuation of thousands of flood-affected persons to safer places as well as the distribution of food kits, the treatment of patients through the deputation of doctors, ambulances and arrangement of medical supplies and the distribution of blankets to the victims.  

 

Jamiat volunteers set up camps after the 2015 Chennai floods where more than 30,000 families were provided with food, clothes, blankets etc. Truckloads of relief material were procured from state units adjoining Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Telangana so that they could be distributed among flood victims. Large amounts of money were distributed to people to re-establish their livelihoods and to help them repair their houses.

 

Several districts of Bihar, especially Kishanganj and Supaul, were badly affected by flash floods in July 2016. A cadre of Jamiat workers rushed relief material to the victims in these places. The organization has also been active in flood relief operations in West Bengal (August 2015), Manipur (August 2015) and Assam (September 2015) by setting up relief camps and ensuring the arrangement of food and other provisions.

 

 

 

Taqreebat-i-Sadsal?

 

Taqreebat means celebration and Sadsal? means century. The Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind (JUH) commemorates a century of its existence; relentlessly pursuing its ideology and a mission against all the odds, undaunted despite changing times and circumstances. It continues to be led by visionaries. This landmark calls for a celebration, and not just an acknowledgement. This book is a celebration of the glorious one hundred years.

 

 

Our Leaders

Maulana Mahmud Hasan (1851-1920)

Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi (1872-1944)

Mufti Kifayatullah (1875-1952)

Maulana Abdul Bari Firangi Mahali (1878-1926)

Maulana Abul Kalam Azad (1888-1958)

Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani (1879-1957)

Maulana Syed Mohammad Mian (1903-1975)

Maulana Abul Muhasin Mohammad Sajjad Bihari (1884-1940)

Maulana Ahmed Saeed Dehlevi (1888-1959)

Maulana Fakhruddin Ahmad (1889-1972)

Maulana Sanaullah Amratsari (1868–1948)

Maulana Hifzur Rehman (1901-1962)

Maulana Asad Madani (1928-2006)

 

 

 

Maulana Mahmud Hasan (1851-1920)

Maulana Mahmud Hasan initially received a traditional Islamic education within his family and then went on to graduate from Dar al-Ulum Deoband. While teaching became his profession, he developed an interest in politics. In 1878, he formed Samrat al-Tarbiyat (which means ‘fruits of training’)—later renamed as Jamiat al-Ansar—which was a revolutionary organisation. The Silk Letter Movement led to his being exiled to Malta. But upon his return to India, he plunged into the freedom struggle, albeit with a philosophy of non-violence.

 

The title Shaykh al-Hind was given to him by the Khilafat Committee in acknowledgement of his dedication and leadership. He always stressed Hindu-Muslim unity. He was also responsible for establishing the organisation Nazarat al-Ma?ruf to mould Western-educated Muslim youth in accordance with the teachings of the Qur’an and Sunna. He set up many revolutionary centres within and outside the country with the sole aim of overthrowing the British. His courage during the Malta exile is legendary and most inspirational.

 

Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi (1872-1944)

One of the chief architects of the Silk Letter Movement, Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi was a devout student of Shaykh al-Hind. In the first decade of the twentieth century, the duo plunged headlong into revolutionary activities with the aim of securing freedom for their country and the formation of Jami’at al-An?ar. Much of his younger life was spent in garnering support from outside of India and he returned to his nation only in 1939. Sindhi strongly believed that the future of India lay in the unity of Hindus and Muslims. He also accepted that the Congress had the strength and maturity required to present a secular front to the international community, and was needed as a mechanism to maintain unity between Hindus and Muslims. Although a revolutionary his entire life, he stood for liberty, economic equality, social progress and political awareness of society.

 

Maulana Muft? Kifayatullah (1875-1952)

Muft? Kifayatullah was born at Shahjahanpur, Uttar Pradesh. After graduating from Dar al-Ulum Deoband, he first served as the principal of Madrasah Ij?ziyyah, Shahjahanpur, and then later he joined Madrasah Am?niyyah of Delhi and subsequently became its rector. He got involved in the freedom movement led by Shaykh al-Hind, preparing the fatwa regarding the non-cooperation movement that was endorsed by 500 ulama. From the time of the formation of the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind, he served as its president for two decades. He was a prominent scholar and theologian of the Jamiat and a leader in its struggle for freedom. From an early age, Kifayatullah enjoyed reading and writing. Kifayatullah’s most renowned publication is Ta’lim al-Islam, which consists of four volumes of questions and answers pertaining to details of fundamental beliefs and practices of Islam, meant for children and written in simple language.

 

Maulana Abdul Bari Firangi Mahali (1878-1926)

Maulana Abdul Bari Firangi Mahali was born in Lucknow. He was a prominent Islamic scholar and a teacher. His family was a fountainhead of knowledge. He was a close associate of Mahatma Gandhi and the Ali brothers during the Khilafat Movement. He had formed an organization named Khuddam-i Ka’bah to prevent the desecration of Muslim holy places by the British. He also founded Madrasah-i Nayimiyyah in Lucknow to impart the traditional wisdom of Islam and to oppose Westernised education. In 1919, after the Khilafat Conference in Delhi under his leadership, the participant scholars felt the need for a permanent organisation that would lead the Indian Muslims on the path set by Islam; and so the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind was established. He was thus one of the founders of the organisation and continued to remain at the forefront of action during all its initiatives. His numerous sacrifices for the services of the nation and community are renowned.

 

Maulana Abul Kalam Azad (1888-1958)

This multifaceted personality was born in a religious and educated family in Makkah. Early in his life, it became clear to him that his duties as a Muslim included obligations towards the whole universe, not just his community. Young Azad published a journal called al-Hil?l as a vent for his religious, anti-British and pro-nationalist views. He was the youngest president of the Congress, and fully endorsed Gandhi’s call for non-cooperation, the Salt March, the civil disobedience movement and others, courting arrest and serving jail sentences on many occasions. Like all other leaders of the Jamiat, Maulana Azad used every occasion and forum to reinforce Hindu-Muslim unity. After independence, he became, befittingly, the first education minister and moulded the new nation’s destiny for over a decade. In 1992, he was posthumously awarded the Bharat Ratna, which is the nation’s highest civilian award. He played a key role in making the national policy on education that still today enables access to education to all students irrespective of their caste, creed etc.

 

Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani (1879-1957)

His Islamic scholarship was so proficient that he earned the title Shaykh al-Islam. He had been a teacher in Madinah, where he attached himself to the mission of his mentor Shaykh al-Hind. Thereafter he voluntarily courted arrest and was subsequently exiled to Malta, in order to look after his mentor. After Shaykh al-Hind’s death, Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madani became the authoritative Islamic voice, reiterating the fatwa in favour of non-cooperation. His fiery speeches, which stressed that Hindus, Muslims and all other communities should struggle together for complete freedom, breathed his love for his country. In his treatise Hamara Hindustan awr uske fazail, he clearly stated that India is the homeland of the Muslims and thus they must fight for its liberation. He was perhaps India’s strongest voice for the ‘One Nation Theory’, responsible for millions of Muslims choosing to remain in India, rejecting the making of a nation based on religion. He was not afraid of taking on the Muslim League and other radical organisations. Noting that the word qawm, which is synonymous with ‘nation’, appears 200 times in the Holy Qur’an, he showed how Islam always preached allegiance to the motherland before anything else; so there was never a dilemma in his mind about the Jamiat’s path of ‘united nationalism’.

 

Maulana Mohammad Miyan Deobandi (1903-1975)

Maulana Mohammad Miyan Deobandi belonged to Saadate Rizwiya family in Deoband. He was a prominent pupil of Allamah Anwar Shah Kashmiri, one of the most celebrated Islamic scholars of the time. He left Deoband, and started teaching at Madrasah Hanafiyyah Arah, Bihar in 1928. He later joined Jamiah Qasmiyyah Shahi, Moradabad, and then became a primary member of Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind. Shortly after joining the organization, he began to take an active role at district and state levels. In 1944, he moved from Moradabad to Delhi to work as a secretary in the central office of Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind. During his stint, he undertook valuable services for the cause of the nation and community. In 1962, he also served as the General Secretary of Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind.

 

He had an abiding attachment with the politics and objectives of Jamiat Ulama-i- Hind. His life story of that period was indeed a living history of Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind. He played a crucial role in every movement that the organization launched in his age. He was instrumental in the establishment of the Deeni Taalimi Board and Id?rat al-Mab?hith Fiqhiyyah.

 

In addition, he had a masterful command over language and a deep intellectual curiosity. He continued his intellectual and academic pursuits till his last breath. He penned down highly acclaimed books on history, politics and Islam etc. A witness to his deep historical insight can be seen in the following books written by him:Ulama-i-Hind kaa Shaandar Maazi (4 volumes), Ulama-i-Haqq awr unke MujahidanaKaarnaame (2 volumes), Aseerane Malta, Jamiat Ulama Kiya hae, Tahrike Shaykh al-Hind.

 

Maulana Muhammad Sajjad (1884-1940)

He was pan-Islamist scholar from Pansaha, a village in the Nalanda district, Bihar. He was educated at Bihar Sharif, Deoband and Allahabad. He started his career as a teacher of theology and taught at Bihar Sharif, Gaya and Allahabad. He founded Anjuman-Ulama-iBihar in 1917. He was one of the founders of Jamiat Ulama-iHind and became its General Secretary after only six months. He was also the founder Secretary of Imarat-i-Sharia Bihar. He took a prominent part in the Khilafat and non-cooperation movements between 1920 and 1922. He worked for Hindu-Muslim unity and actively participated in the hartals to boycott the Simon Commission. He took a prominent role in the civil disobedience movement launched by Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind in 1930 and was imprisoned during the movement. He used to be regarded as the brain of the organization. He passed away in 1940.

 

Maulana Ahmad Sayeed Dehlawi (1888-1959)

Maulana Ahmad Sayeed Dehlawi was among the foremost leaders of the JamiatUlama-i-Hind, who worked for the organization since the foundation in 1919 till his last breath. His father Nawab Mirza was associated with the Mughal Court and later on served as the prayer leader (imam) at Zeenatul Masajid, Delhi. Maulana Ahmad Sayeed Dehlawi was a great public speaker. That is why he was called Sahban al-Hind (like a legendary Arab orator in India). He played an important role in the freedom movement and was sent to prison several times. During the great upheaval of Partition in 1947, he worked tirelessly to save the Muslims and took many of them to safety. He made many sacrifices while serving the Muslim community. This great leader of Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind left for the heavenly abode on 4 September 1959. He also served a term as President of Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind after the demise of Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani in 1957.

 

Maulana Syed Fakhruddin al-Muradabadi (1889-1972)

Maulana Syed Fakhruddin Ahmed was born at Ajmer in 1307/1889. His grandfather, Syed Abdul Karim, was a station house officer (thanedar) in the Police Department there. After graduation in 1910 from Dar al-Ulum Deoband, he became a teacher in the Dar al-Ulum. Then after some time, the elders of Dar al-Ulum, in 1911, sent him to Madrasah Shahi Moradabad, where he lived for nearly 48 years. In 1957, after Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani’s death, the members of the Majlis-i-Shura of Dar al-Ulum chose him for the post of Shaykh al-Hadith in Dar al-Ulum, Deoband.

 

Besides his educational preoccupations, he was also connected with national politics from the time of the Khil?fat Movement, as a result of which he too had to bear the hardships and rigors of imprisonment and shackles. During Maulana Madani’s presidency of the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind, he acted twice as Vice-President; thereafterhe was appointed President and went on discharging the functions of President of this organization till his last breath on 5 April 1972.

 

Maulana Abul Wafa Sanaullah Amritsari (1868–1948)

Maulana Abul Wafa Shanaullah Amritsari was born at Amritsar in 1868. He was a disciple of Shaykh al-Hind MaulanaMahmud-Ul-Hasanand MiyanNazeer Hussain from Delhi. He was a great debater, and had a very famous debate with a Qadiyani in 1907; and thereafter he was named “the victor of Qadyan”. Along with writing several books, he used to publish a weekly journal entitled Ahl-i-Hadeesh. This newspaper stopped publishing after the creation of Pakistan. He was a founding member of JamiatUlama-i-Hind and extended his sincere cooperation in its every movement.

Maulana Hifzur Rehman (1901-1962)

He was a multi-faceted personality: an Islamic scholar, a reputed historian, a prolific writer and a leader (both religious and political). Most importantly, he was a freedom fighter who spent most of his life in the struggle for independence (including eight years in jail) and thereafter in chartering a life of identity and dignity for Muslims who had suffered Partition but had refused to leave India. He was a member of the Constituent Assembly, where he used his position to safeguard the interests of the community, but always within the secular framework of the constitution. Shaykh Hifzur Rehman served on several community organizations. He was a patron to the Nadwat al-Musannif?n and the national secretary of the Jamiat. His writings were aimed at inculcating values of Islam as per the Holy Qur’an and the Hadith, in the form of stories which became very popular for they were easy to read.

 

Maulana As’ad Madani (1928-2006)

Born and nurtured in an illustrious family, Maulana As’ad Madani inherited his father’s ideology and spirit, and took on the mantle of the Jamiat at a somewhat early age. He was largely responsible for what can be termed as the ‘Renaissance’ of Dar al-Ulum Deoband, by resolving wisely the differences between factions and moulding it to move with the times and changing needs of the community. He brought value, dynamism and nationalism to the Jamiat. He used his influence and personal rapport with each of his followers to steer the madrasahs clear of any dubious activities tending towards radicalism and terrorism. He never shied away from giving voice to his political views and aligned with secular forces to build an India of ‘united nationality’ and ‘composite culture’. He was given the title Fida-i Millah (‘devoted to the community). Unmindful of danger to his life, he was known to always reach out to victims of natural and man-made disasters before most others.

 

 

 

Maulana Mahmood Madani

Islamic Faith Leader, Scholar and Politician

 

Maulana Mahmood Madani is a leading, much respected and influential theologian, spiritual mentor to millions of people across the world, and a pillar of the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind. He has always offered unfaltering support to the Indian Muslim community and continues to work relentlessly to safeguard its interests. He is known for his outspoken views, opposing many issues that are un-Islamic in character, and for his forthright condemnation of terrorism. He is a proud Indian who has repeatedly stated that, for Muslims, there is no place in the world that is better than India: India pulsates in its soil, throbs in its air and it is something that cannot be taught, it has to be felt. Indeed, he is a true heir of the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind’s rich legacy, carrying on its mission, whilst following the vision and path set by his forefathers and elders.

 

 

The Reply to Musharraf Speech (2009)

 

Maulana Mahmood Madani: ‘Musharraf ?a?ib, let me first felicitate you on having started Pakistani politics after having arrived here… Many congratulations on this. The next point is … which I have in mind is that … The number of Indian Muslims living here are more than the total population of Pakistan … You should know this.”

Musharraf: ‘Yes, I know this.’

Maulana Mahmood Madani: ‘One more point… As you know this, you should also know that Indian Muslims have the power to solve their problems or to get them solved. They do not need your advice at all. Another final point which I wish to convey to you is that… you have ruled over Pakistan for years… And you concede that there is loss on both the sides… It may not be on both the sides; but by your own admission it is confirmed that it is, at least, on one side. You are free to do anything… As to civil society in India, more than 70% of the population of this civil society… on the basis of history I say so, otherwise it is more than 90%… so more than 70% people are those who are always ready to fight for the problems faced by Indian Muslims. Please do not try to alienate Indian Muslims by any of your remarks, made here or while you are in Pakistan… Please. Thanks.’

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TXQfGZcQMGI

 

Maulana Mahmood Madani: Islamic faith leader, scholar and politician.

Maulana Mahmood Madani is a leading Islamic scholar and politician of India. He is known for his forthright condemnation of terrorism and unfaltering support of the Indian Muslim community.